有關立法會的功能組別及直選組別

2014-09-27 11:06 am
希望一些對政治有研究的朋友能解答, 依3條分題解答:

1) 每屆立法會選舉, 全香港總共有幾多建制派候選人及民主派候選人呢? 過去多屆立法會議席數目上都以建制派壓倒民主派, 這其實會否是因為建制派本身向來比民主派強所導致的呢 (假設人數較多, 人多勢眾)? 會否每屆立法會選舉建制派的候選人已比民主派的多 (因為假設前者較強大), 所以無論怎選民主派最終也不會壓倒建制派呢?

2) 常聽人說功能組別大體是親政府的及親共的, 其實原因是甚麼? 聽過一位學者說這與功能組別的選民基礎小有關, 但選民基礎小跟候選人/勝出者親不親政府/共有何關係呢? 而且, 我知道功能組別裏也有親民主的, 如律師, 教師等議員. 那為甚麼還常常聽到人說功能組別大體親政府/共的呢? 是否功能組別的選民及候選人注定是親政府/共呢?

3) 接上題, 選特首的選舉委員會也是親政府/共的, 但畢竟這1,200人的委員會也是由選舉出來的, 那為甚麼他們也是大體親共/政府呢?
更新1:

Can you also generally describe what "election engineering" is? e.g. what is it, what is the tactic to win the "game", etc.

更新2:

Alright, so you mean getting more votes does not guarantee the party's winning because they fail in electoral engineering.

更新3:

Alright, so you mean getting more votes does not necessarily guarantee the party's winning because they fail in electoral engineering? And the voters of FCs tend to vote for pro-establishment candidates to ensure their interests are protected?

回答 (3)

2014-09-27 1:45 pm
✔ 最佳答案
1. a) It varies. Usually pan-democracy camp ("pan-democracy") will have more candidates than pro-establishment camp ("pro-establishment").

b) No. The success of pro-establishment is solely based on election engineering (candidate collaboration). In fact, statistically, pan-democracy has more vote counts than pro-establishment.

c) Yes, but not the reason you mention. The loss of pan-democracy is solely due to the failure of pan-democracy in maximizing the proportional representation system. In other word, the loss of pan-democracy has nothing to do with pro-establishment. The winning of pro-establishment is simply incidental (as they know how to play the game).

2. a) It is relatively simple. Functional constituency basically represents business interests. When pan-democracy try to introduce pro-grassroots policies (like minimum wages), the proposal will contradict the interests and functional constituency will vote against to protect the interests.

In other word, functional constituency seems to be pro-establishment as they intend to protect their own interests.

b) It is not related. It is simply related to the interests functional constituency represents.

c) See 2a above.

d) No. It is simply incidental.

3. It is the same situation as functional constituency. At the least - voters in the Election Committee prefer a pro-interest Chief Executive rather than pro-grassroots.

For detail, see 2a.

Bottom line - Hong Kong's election result has nothing to do with pro-government (HKSAR/Chinese Central). The result is simply incidental.

2014-09-28 06:46:46 補充:
In short, election engineering is basically all measures taken to maximize the winning.

For example, resources distribution (don't waste money on losing candidates), list arrangement in proportional representation (who can bring more vote).

2014-09-28 06:47:10 補充:
It is not all about promotion. It is about how voters will respond based on measures you have taken.

2014-09-29 03:36:10 補充:
Continued at Comment.

2014-09-29 03:37:37 補充:
1. Yes. Election is about winning, not popularity. At the least, what have been shown is the loss of pan-democracy in the last election was due to failure to collaborate. It ended up pan-democracy candidates fought against each others.

2014-09-29 03:44:12 補充:
2. Of course.
2014-09-28 7:05 am
Can you also generally describe what "election engineering" is? e.g. what is it, what is the tactic to win the "game", etc.
2014-09-28 2:22 am
第一題係講直選,首先直選唔係講人數,係講配票,同埋而家用緊既係比例代表制,成件事係一個選舉工程,譬如我想2個人都入,用一張名單定分開名單會更有利,已經要計數,因為你仲要預計埋對手既得票先得.

上次泛民總得票多過建制,但議席就輸哂,原因就係工程出錯,而唔係好簡單咁,邊個人多就著數,選舉係比例代表制下,可以以少勝多,所以名單上排第二既猛人,從來都冇穩勝,就連余女神都係輸.

第二第三下次再答.

2014-09-27 18:23:59 補充:
不過你留意下,否決權係要幾多票,所以都唔係話冇用.

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